Israel's disengagement from Gaza and parts of the northern West Bank has provided a momentous occasion for both the Israeli and Palestinian people. For a long time, the quest for a Palestinian state seemed hopeless. Now the parties have a chance to do something about it.

With Palestinians and Israelis facing important elections next year, it is manifestly in the interest of both, and indeed the rest of the world, that this operation be seen as a success. We therefore need responsible action and leadership by all concerned, including the international community. Disengagement is a huge challenge but also a great opportunity. If successful, it could revive the long-stalled peace process and enable a return to the negotiating track and the implementation of the "road map."

The stakes in handling the political, security and socioeconomic dimensions of disengagement are high. Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's determination to proceed in the face of significant opposition from within his own Likud Party was striking enough. But seeing Israeli forces having to forcibly remove settler communities highlighted the dramatic nature of the operation and underscored the support that the Israeli government deserves.

For the Palestinians disengagement is a chance to win over the skeptics, in Israel and elsewhere, and show that they can actually run their own affairs in a responsible manner. If they rise to the occasion, it could provide them with the much-needed hope and reassurance that they are on their way to full statehood across the Occupied Territories.

The security aspects of disengagement are essential for its success. For Israel, the logical priority is to ensure that Gaza will not become hostile territory from which terrorists launch attacks on neighboring communities and the rest of Israel. The Palestinian Authority (PA) faces tough decisions concerning improving its ability to maintain law and order. Statehood means, as PA President Mahmoud Abbas has emphasized, respect for the rule of law and a monopoly on the legitimate use of force. Both for the sake of disengagement, but also to promote a return to political negotiations afterward, the PA must move against those individuals and groups who continue to use violence. Then there is the challenge of handling the economics of disengagement. All parties have an interest in ensuring the economic viability of one of the most deprived, over-populated and ill-serviced areas of the Middle East.

Amid all this, one thing is clear: We cannot afford to fail. That was my message when I recently visited Israel and the Palestinian areas. I also stressed the European Union's willingness to do whatever it can to help, at the request of the parties. The EU is already strongly engaged with the parties and on the ground in support of disengagement and the peace process. And it will continue to be so in the weeks and months ahead, in a spirit of friendship and partnership with both peoples.

The EU and its member-states have long been by far the largest donors to the Palestinians, giving the equivalent of over $600 million annually in emergency support and medium-term assistance to institution-building projects. The European Commission has set aside $74 million, especially for the disengagement process. Moreover, the EU backs and supports the efforts of the Quartet envoy, James Wolfensohn, making sure that our efforts are coordinated carefully with other donors and spent to the greatest effect. In addition, the EU is ready, if asked by the parties, to play the role of third party in the area of customs management and border control. This would help to facilitate a free flow of goods and people between Gaza and the rest of the world, in a manner that addresses Israel's security concerns.

We are also helping the Palestinians to consolidate the various security organizations under a clear political chain of control. Through training, equipment and financial support, the EU and the member-states are helping Palestinian police forces to increase their operational capacity and transform their organizational setup. A core unit of EU advisers is already deployed in Ramallah and Gaza city. Provided that benchmarks for performance and accountability are met, we are ready to expand our commitments in the area of security.

All these steps, coordinated closely with the United States and others in the Quartet, present tangible evidence that the EU does not just say it wants disengagement to succeed: We are prepared to step up our engagement to make that happen.

Javier Solana is the policy coordinator for foreign affairs and security for the European Union. THE DAILY STAR publishes this commentary in collaboration with the Common Ground News Service.